110125 周亚辉: 习近平与刘源刘亚洲的关系是什么?

张木生:独立参选人现象,现在不可存在。以后可以过渡到那一步,但现在不可以。允许资本主义再发展几十年,..小平同志形象地说过,2049年之 后中国也可以搞竞选。”2049年是中共建政1百周年。

文汇目录:

  1. 110125 周亚辉: 习近平与刘源刘亚洲的关系是什么?
  2. 101221 多维新闻:为十八大铺路 刘少奇之子升官 习近平:刘源与我不谋而合
  3. 《悉尼晨锋报》中国的将军要与腐败做斗争
  4. 120106 James Mulvenon and Leigh Ann Ragland: Liu Yuan: Archetype of a “Xi Jinping Man” in the PLA?
  5. 120126 太子党刘源军中高调反腐 专家解读
  6. 111102 太子党刘源:站稳义和团立场 走定八国联军道路
  7. 120128 颜昌海:刘源胡德平等人在给谁敲响警钟?
  8. 120130 刘源出手,中将谷俊山落马
  9. 101221 刘源升任军中要职:习近平好友仕途看好
  10. 110824 刘源:读张木生《改造我们的文化历史观》序言
  11. 李一哲关于文革是不是“最讲“按劳分配””的论述 《关于社会主义的民主与法制》正文
  12. 101223 官方人士证实刘源职务变动 否认是为习近平铺路
  13. 110715 RFI:刘源任军队要职揭太子党再活跃序幕


http://blog.boxun.com/hero/201101/zhouyahui/153_1.shtml

110125 周亚辉: 习近平与刘源刘亚洲的关系是什么?

   习近平与刘源的关系并不铁。习仲勋与刘少奇的矛盾可以追朔到1940年代后期,习仲勋与刘少奇在土改中的矛盾。习仲勋因反对刘少奇的土改政策,并报告给毛 泽东。毛泽东采纳了习仲勋的意见。所以,刘少奇反感习仲勋。1962年后,刘少奇和康生两人联手迫害习仲勋,向毛泽东进谗言。
   
   刘源心理不服习近平接班。刘源资历比习近平老,贡献政绩不比习近平差。刘源早年被江泽民重用于军中,是为了打击军内的毛左派。刘源反毛,是肯定的,因为, 刘源的父亲和全家,都被毛左害得很惨。在习近平刚接班的开始几年过渡时期,习近平没有选择,只能借助刘源。但是,如果习近平想进一步扩大权力,他 必须提拔和依靠新生代军中力量,也就是50岁左右的军中力量。
   
   刘亚洲,是李先念的女婿。李先念与习仲勋和胡耀邦矛盾很深。 当然,刘亚洲是个思想开明的人。我认为,刘亚洲是个军内民主派。 如果习近平是个民主派,他会重用刘亚洲。如果习近平不是民主派,他绝对不会重用刘亚洲。
  
   不过,我的过去的分析表明,习近平两年后接班后,将会遇到中国的大规模反共运动和民主运动。习近平如果不顺应历史潮流,将会垮台,甚至被清算。如果习近平 顺应历史潮流,习近平可能会平安退休,安度晚年,但是,习近平不大可能会继续呆在政治舞台上有多少作为。因为,多党制民主后,习近平即使还想从 政,也是个小角色而已。在民主民意面前,新人辈出,旧人回家吧!
(2011/01/25 发表)


http://china.dwnews.com/news/2010-12-21/57215992.html
多维新闻:习近平评刘源“我俩不谋而合”
2010-12-21 03:00:35

http://news.backchina.com/viewnews-119726-gb2312.html

101221 多维新闻:为十八大铺路 刘少奇之子升官 习近平:刘源与我不谋而合

京港台时间:2010/12/21  消息来源:多维  网友评论 41 条

  已故中国国家主席刘少奇之子、解放军军事科学院政委刘源即将调任总后勤部政委,有消息称这是为他在2012年中共十八大时进入中央军委铺路。 由于刘源与十八大接班人、国家副主席、中央军委副主席习近平(专题)私交很好,两人均为“太子党”,此举亦被认为习近平(专题)开始建构军中班 底。

  据《明报》12月21日报道,北京消息透露,相关任命将于近期正式宣布,原总后勤部政委孙大发届65岁退役年龄,59岁的总后勤部副政委孙思 敬则将接替刘源出任军事科学院政委。军事科学院属军方智囊机构,并无实权,而刘源即将履新的总后勤部则是中国海陆空三军后方勤务和保障的最高统率 机关,刘源转任总后政委,虽属平级调动,但新职重要性不言而喻,未来仕途亦被看好。

  
为十八大铺路 刘少奇之子升官 习近平:刘源与我不谋而合

608_1297036692683729344

  刘少奇之子刘源上将(左)为毛泽东之孙毛新宇颁发少将军衔命令状。

  刘源经历颇具传奇性,青年时代因父亲刘少奇被整肃而当过农民、工人。1977年恢复高考后,被当局以“超龄”为由拒诸门外,他致函已故国家领 导人邓小平,才获准入读。大学毕业后他再度下乡,在父亲蒙难的河南出任一条农村公社的“第17把手”,36岁那年,在非官方候选人的情况下,被人 大代表联名推举为副省长,在当时大陆是首例。1992年,刘源突然被“交流”弃政从戎,一路从武警做到解放军,从少将做到中将,去年更晋升上将, 他与国防大学政委刘亚洲(已故中国国家主席李先念女婿)、海军政委刘晓江(已故中共总书记胡耀邦女婿)、第二炮兵政委张海阳(已故中央军委副主席 张震之子)等人一同被视为军中太子党的代表人物。

  现年59岁的刘源与57岁的习近平(专题)经历颇多相似之处,两人同出身于中共开国元老家庭,但青少年时代都因父辈捱整而被打至社会底层,文 革后又都主动落基层,并且仕途顺遂,如今一武一文,成了太子党中的佼佼者,难怪两人私交甚笃。

  1982年,习近平在中央军委办公厅为时任军委秘书长兼国防部长的耿彪当秘书,但他却主动要求下放到河北正定县当县委副书记。在此一年前,毕 业于北京师范学院的刘源毕业后,则去了河南新乡县当公社干部。

  习近平在“自述”称当年他和刘源同落基层的决定时写道:“那时候从北京下去的人,有刘源和我。我们俩不谋而合,都要求走跟工农相结合的道路。 基层离群众最近,最能磨练人。”

  在此之前,《人民日报海外版》12月15日援引《中华儿女》长篇报道“换了人间今又是——刘源与毛泽东的后人们”,详细介绍刘源的成长经历, 并称其“磨难坎坷终有尽”,无论在哪里都给大家留下信仰坚定、实干苦干、敢做敢为、屡有建树和平等待人、正直廉明、包容大度、引领新风深刻的印 象。报道同时刊登了刘源向毛泽东之孙毛
宇颁发少将军衔命令状的照片。

  习近平评刘源“我俩不谋而合”

  近日,有消息称中国已故国家主席刘少奇之子刘源即将升任解放军四总部之一的总后勤部政委,由于现任国家副主席习近平与其经历有颇多相似之处, 刘源仕途颇被看好,习近平也曾在《自述》中称自己和刘源“我俩不谋而合”。

  综合媒体12月21日报道,59岁的刘源与57岁的习近平经历颇多相似之处,两人同出身于中共开国元老家庭,但青少年时代都因父辈捱整而被打 至社会底层,文革后又都主动落基层,并且仕途顺遂,如今一武一文,成了太子党中的佼佼者。难怪两人私交甚笃。

  1982年,习近平在中央军委办公厅为时任军委秘书长兼国防部长的耿飙当秘书,但他却主动要求下放到河北正定县当县委副书记。在此一年前,毕 业于北京    师范学院的刘源毕业后,则去了河南新乡县当公社干部。

  习近平在《自述》中写道:“那时候从北京下去的人,有刘源和我。我们俩不谋而合,都要求走跟工农相结合的道路。基层离群众最近,最能磨练 人。”

  这些年来,前国家主席刘少奇的子女过着低调的生活,很少走进公众的视野。作为刘少奇的幼子,刘源是刘家后人中唯一从政的。他经历坎坷,成绩显 著。

  1966年正在卫戍区警卫3师9团某连军训的刘源,因毛泽东发表《炮打司令部-我的一张大字报》,被部队退回。1967年,还蹲了中国公安部 的监狱,后又被赶出中南海,当过知青、做过铆焊工。

  大学毕业后,刘源从公社副主任起步,1988年,并不是候选人的刘源得到人大代表的联名推举,当选为河南省副省长,以36岁的年龄成为当时年 纪最轻的副省级干部。

  2005年12月,刘源任中国人民解放军军事科学院政委。2009年晋升为上将军衔。2010年升任解放军四总部之一的总后勤部政委。

pnslee 发表于 2010/12/21 23:45
经历的确坎坷,但没有战争, 没有军功, 如何升上将的?

3楼
[3楼的游客](68.199.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/21 23:53
应该金正日儿子来中国当国家主席,正宗铁杆共产党

4楼
[4楼的游客](76.10.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 00:21
很可笑的照片,应该是死对头的一家

5楼
[5楼的游客](152.19.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 00:26
如果太子党中真有那么几个想为民族和国家建功立业、为老百姓谋福利,倒也不错,可他们能撼动其它多数太子党利益集团么?我看是没有可能的!!当年 蒋经国打老虎不是也打不下去了么!

6楼
[6楼的游客](194.105.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 00:29
天棚大将军受封仪式

7楼
[7楼的游客](87.89.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 00:48
不孝之子,给仇敌的子孙版证书。
也许能拿和平奖。

8楼
[8楼的游客](67.55.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 00:56
刘源真的认为傻了吧叽的大肥猪能保卫江山吗?

9楼
[9楼的游客](161.184.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 01:26
杀父之仇,奇耻大难都放一边。保住红色政权重要。

10楼
[10楼的游客](71.167.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 01:59
爹被毛泽东杀死。再忍几年,把毛的腊肉拖出来喂狗,把它的肥孙子千刀万剐

11楼
[11楼的游客](69.108.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 02:01
现在能得到重用的太子党,都是与毛泽东有血海深仇的。如习近平,薄熙来,刘源,邓朴方,等等。

12楼
[12楼的游客](69.217.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 02:05
?????

13楼
[13楼的游客](69.217.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 02:06
Shame of the country.

14楼
[14楼的游客](35.10.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 02:21
没希望了。

15楼
tx59 发表于 2010/12/22 02:26
中国从政治,经济到军事的各个方面都被太子党的利益集团瓜分了。

16楼
[16楼的游客](63.166.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 02:58
一个师范毕业的能拿到大将的军衔,怎么都没人说些什么?
毛的孙子好歹是科班出生的,还是有博士学位的,拿个少将,那么多人唧唧歪歪。

17楼
[17楼的游客](174.6.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 03:04
君父之仇 不共戴天 春秋之義 有賊不討 則尸不能書葬 ( 尸仍留尸堂 )  法至嚴也

18楼
[18楼的游客](128.249.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 03:05
他致函已故国家领导人邓小平,才获准入读. What a shame!  Anyone else can do this?

19楼
刘三百 发表于 2010/12/22 03:23
提示: 作者被禁止或删除 内容自动屏蔽

20楼
[20楼的游客](66.189.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 03:25
赛先生已经渗透中国社会;德先生还被关在打牢里。
搞民主就会动这些人的奶酪,当然使不得!
五毛们不用再放烟幕弹了,直截承认不就结了嘛

21楼
[21楼的游客](81.191.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 03:27
上面的右愤们,知道为什么你们搞不过中共吗?虽然中共也不咋样,但比你们这帮人的心胸大那么一点点。

22楼
[22楼的游客](131.249.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 04:07
怎麼穿了軍服,還个个土包子像?

23楼
[23楼的游客](76.200.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 04:22
看好刘源。经历过大难的人,亲身体验过底层百姓生活,而且视野开阔的人很可能成为好的领导。

24楼
[24楼的游客](71.127.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 05:00
没有战争, 没有军功, 如何升上将的?

25楼
[25楼的游客](68.103.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 05:07
大酱(有蛆)和少(shao3)浆(没有精液)

26楼
[26楼的游客](99.243.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 05:29
狗咬狗,不咬的时候照样是狗。

27楼
[27楼的游客](141.217.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 05:44
中华人民国(朝代)崩溃已经开始到计时了!!

28楼
[28楼的游客](75.155.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 05:44
好人!

29楼
[29楼的游客](108.27.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 05:49
文化大革命把他们的老子全打下去,现在第二代返来统治中国,封建社会的写照。不是捞钱就是争权。

30楼
[30楼的游客](99.225.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 06:20
中南海长大的,他知道老百姓这种动物?
中共权力离群众越来越远。

31楼
[31楼的游客](99.225.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 06:26
他们就是那个人事程序产生出来的。

32楼
[32楼的游客](99.225.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 06:27
靠社会关系。

33楼
[33楼的游客](174.6.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 07:28
没有战争, 没有军功, 如何升上将的?

请问现在升上将的有哪个是有军功的?

34楼
[34楼的游客](12.155.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 07:41
土GOON党内狗咬狗分赃但不能容许别人碰.

35楼
zhousx18 发表于 2010/12/22 09:43
不过十年我们将看到骠骑将军毛新宇将任解放军总参谋长。

36楼
[36楼的游客](70.169.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 10:26
唉,能不能给中国的草根一点机会呢?沔阳民工

37楼
[37楼的游客](174.89.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 11:55
报道同时刊登了刘源向毛泽东之孙毛新宇颁发少将军衔命令状的照片。
毛少将明显不悦,这是对毛家的羞辱—军事统帅毛的后代却要无军队职务的刘的后代颁发军衔命令状

38楼
[38楼的游客](65.49.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 13:10
被这些垃圾“领导”,悲哀。

39楼
shaol 发表于 2010/12/22 19:0
5
快去找马刘斯的后代,请来中共当顾问。再唱上国际歌。中国为世界革命根据地,为实现无产阶级革命!

40楼
[40楼的游客](65.49.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/22 20:05
全是狗崽子。

41楼
[41楼的游客](71.246.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/23 00:59
中华人民国(朝代)崩溃已经开始到计时了!!

42楼
[42楼的游客](71.246.x.x) 发表于 2010/12/23 01:00
中国从政治,经济到军事的各个方面都被太子党的利益集团瓜分了。中华人民国(朝代)崩溃已经开始到计时了!!


http://news.eluosi.cn/junshi/2012/25737.html
刘少奇之子刘源称要出手铲除解放军腐败 誓言死不罢休(图)
2012-01-23 13:53:38  明镜网

http://yyyyiiii.blogspot.com/2012/01/blog-post_4459.html

《悉 尼晨锋报》中国的将军要与腐败做斗争

核心提示:刘少奇之子、总后勤部政委刘源发誓铲除军中腐败——他在春节前夕对600名军官讲话时,称腐败事关中共和军队的生死,他宁可 丢官也要与腐败进行你死我活的斗争。

原文:Chinese General To Fight Corruption
作者:John Garnaut 发自北京
发表:2012年1月19日
本文由”译者“志愿者翻译并校对

Art-353-544712046-200x0

【原文配图:刘源将军说:”我即使丢官也要与腐败斗争到底。”】

一名在中国人民解放军中正在升起的新星誓言要和强势的腐败军官们斗争到底,死不罢休,这给未来关键的中国领导人交接又加上了军中政治。

刘源将军是前中国主席刘少奇的儿子,他警告说,腐败在军队中已经如此根深蒂固,广为蔓延,已经威胁到了解放军和中共的生存。

刘源将军在最近一次对600将领进行的新春讲话中这么说:””我即使丢官也要与腐败斗争到底。”

据一名了解本次讲话的知情人透露,他说:”无论一个人的职位有多高,或后台有多硬,我都不会善罢甘休。”

刘源是总后勤部的政委,这个单位要处理许多与土地、住房、食品、财务和服务相关的事,是个庞大的油水丰厚的机构。他告诉军官们在他的部门中, 腐败”非常严重”、”随处可见”、”触手可及”。

他说:”这关系到共产党和解放军的生死存亡,我宁死也不会放手。”

从20世纪90年代开始,邓小平退出政治舞台后,反腐调查就成了中国领导人们进行政治斗争的武器。

所有的党领导人都认为军队是政治统治能力的终极源泉。在18大之前,在军队中进行一场反腐运动可以改变涉及国家主席胡锦涛、其前任江泽民和确 定的继承者习近平之间紧张的派系角斗形成的紧张的平衡关系。

刘源将军进入军队仅八年,但在胡锦涛执政期间屡获提升。

刘源将军的紧密的支持者说他已经得到了好几位高层领导和中央军委的支持,与那些在政治立场不稳,财务上不干净的人进行斗争。

他说:”刘源是敢于硬碰硬的一个人。”

刘将军紧盯着中央军委中的一席,可能是到习近平执政时成为军委副主席,习近平也是早期革命家(习仲勋)的儿子。

他的”死不罢休”的说法和他另一位雄心勃勃的”太子党”朋友——薄熙来相呼应,薄熙来因为在重庆开展了一场轰轰烈烈的反腐运动而职业前景向 好。

中国的新年从传统上来说是高层官员和将军们与家人们放松的时候,这也是向后台们送礼,数一数秘书们从下属收到的厚厚的红包的时候。不过刘将军 誓言要逮捕任何受贿、行贿者

他告诉官员们所有的福利都是给低等士兵和退休人员的。

最近一次严肃的军中反腐清理了当时海军的副司令,王守业,他于2005年被捕。

当时,解放军的《解放日报》说军队的两大历史使命——打仗和反腐。但是从那以后,就没有再做什么动作。

位于圣地亚哥的加州大学的张太铭(Tai Ming Cheung)是研究中国人民解放军的专家,他说去年中国当局成立了一家反腐中心。

张博士说:”曾出现过’高薪养廉’的期望,但是如果解放军在中国社会中一直都这么有特权的话,结构性的腐败动机依然普遍存在。”

本 文版权属于原出版公司及作者所有。©译者遵守知识共享署名-非商业性 使用-相同方式共享 3.0许可协议 


http://www.hoover.org/publications/china-leadership-monitor/article/104206
Hoover Institution Stanford University
. . . ideas defining a free society

January 6, 2012

Liu Yuan and Xi Jinping clearly share a great deal in common. Both were born to senior CCP cadres, and are members of the elite “princelings” cohort. Yet both men’s fathers were subjected to purge and mistreatment during the late Mao era, and both families suffered grievously. Despite these dark memories, both went on to achieve rapid growth in their official careers, and both have been outspoken in their extolling of the early years of the CCP revolution. As Xi prepares to ascend to the highest positions in the political system at the 18th Party Congress, this article endeavors to profile Liu Yuan, identify his possible ideological and bureaucratic intersections with Xi Jinping, and assess the implications for PLA promotions and party-military relations in the Xi era.


Download article (CLM36JM.pdf ~183 KB)

Liu Yuan:
Archetype of a “Xi Jinping Man”
in the PLA?
 
James Mulvenon and Leigh Ann Ragland*

Liu Yuan and Xi Jinping clearly share a great deal in common. Both were
born to senior CCP cadres, and are members of the elite “princelings”
cohort. Yet both men’s fathers were subjected to purge and mistreatment
during the late Mao era, and both families suffered grievously. Despite
these dark memories, both Liu and Xi went on to achieve rapid growth in
their official careers, and have been outspoken in their extolling of the
early years of the CCP revolution. As Xi prepares to ascend to the highest
positions in the system at the 18th
 Party Congress, this article endeavors to
profile Liu Yuan, identify his possible ideological and bureaucratic
intersections with Xi Jinping, and assess the implications for PLA
promotions and party-military relations in the Xi era. 
 
Liu Yuan: “Red Princeling”
Born in Beijing in 1951,
1
 General Liu Yuan (刘源) is the son of Liu Shaoqi, who served
as president of the PRC from 1959 to 1968. A native of Ning County in Hunan Province,
2
 
President Liu was an early comrade of Chairman Mao during the revolution.
3
 He raised
his family in the elite Zhongnanhai leadership compound, where Liu Yuan joined the
palace guard at the age of 13.
4
 Over three summers of training, Liu was promoted from
private to corporal, eventually earning designations as “top-grade marksman” (特等射手)
and “‘five good’ fighter” (五好战士). In 1966, Liu Yuan was selected for the National Flag
Guard (国旗护卫队) and marched in the National Day Parade in Tiananmen Square.
5
 
 
  Liu Yuan’s idyllic world of revolutionary privilege came crashing down with the
onset of the Cultural Revolution. The designated heir apparent to Chairman Mao, Liu
Shaoqi was purged and arrested in 1968,
6
 and eventually died from his harsh treatment in
1969, naked and deprived of his medicine on the floor of his prison cell. Although Liu
Shaoqi is now considered a revolutionary hero and honored in Chinese society,
7
 Liu
Yuan and his family members were severely persecuted by the Red Guard and factions
within the CCP from 1966 until Liu Shaoqi’s political allies regained power in the late
1970s. Liu Shaoqi’s eldest son, Liu Yunbin, was forced to commit suicide
8
 and his wife,
Wang Guangmei, was imprisoned for 12 years.
9
 Liu Yuan himself was “sent down” 
(下放) in 1968 for seven years in remote Baifang village, Shanyin County, Shaanxi
Province (山西省山阴县白坊村).
10
 In 1972, Liu Yuan wrote to Chairman Mao, asking for
                                                
*
Leigh Ann Ragland is a research associate at DGI’s Center for Intelligence Research and Analysis
(CIRA). She received her B.A. in International Affairs and Chinese Language and Literature from George
Washington University’s Elliott School of International Affairs.
 Mulvenon & Ragland, China Leadership Monitor, no. 36
  2
permission to see his mother and father.
11
 In August of that year, the Center conveyed
two instructions from Mao: “Your father is dead, but you can see your mother” (父亲已死,
可以见见妈妈).
12
 Liu reportedly responded to this news with no tears, but “gnashed his
teeth with hatred” (只有切齿的仇恨).
13
 
 
  Despite the campaign by Liu and other members of the “princeling faction” to
engage in “red singing” (唱红) and romanticize the early, pure years of the Chinese
Communist revolution, Liu Yuan does not shirk from criticizing Chairman Mao’s actions
in his later years or those of his sycophants. In You Do Not Know Liu Shaoqi, which he
co-wrote with his mother, Liu speaks of his respect for Mao, but emphasizes that respect
“does not mean blind faith and blind obedience.”
14
 He also highlights the Great Leap
Forward and the Cultural Revolution as the two great “mistakes” of the revolutionary
period.
15
 In his essay, “Democracy in the Party,”
16
 Liu suggests that Mao’s most brilliant
time was “when democracy was strongest in the party” (他最辉煌的时候,正是党内最民主
的时候), but that Mao “went down the wrong road” (走错了路).
17
 Liu offered as a lesson a
story about his own family’s suffering: “Mao was great, but when he departs from
democracy, acts arbitrarily, rejects criticism, and loses supervision he also commits great
mistakes.”
18
 While praising his father’s belief in the value of criticism and self-criticism,
Liu doesn’t spare him from responsibility for the disasters, refusing to accept
“maintaining party unity” (维护党的统一) as an excuse and chiding him for not identifying
the problems quickly enough and not correcting Mao’s errors.
19
 
 
Liu Yuan’s Privileged Career Trajectory
With the terror of the late Mao era behind him, Liu Yuan’s professional career bears all
of the hallmarks of the scion of a revolutionary family. Premier Zhou Enlai personally
approved him to return to Beijing from the countryside in 1975.
20
 For two years he
worked as a riveter (铆工) in a crane factory (起重机厂).
21
 When Liu Yuan was barred
from taking the college entrance examination in 1977, Deng Xiaoping wrote a letter that
got in him into Beijing Normal University,
22
 where he studied in the history
department.
23
 The major turning point in Liu’s career was the 1980 Fifth Plenary Session
of the 11th Central Committee, in which Deng Xiaoping officially cleared Liu’s father of
prior accusations, named him a revolutionary hero, and gave him a posthumous state
funeral.
 24
 Once he graduated in 1982, Liu joined the Chinese Communist Party, and then
became a grassroots cadre in Henan—a location where his father had overseen projects
and retained a good reputation.
25
 He was selected as a vice-county commissioner of
Henan in 1983, mayor of Zhengzhou, Henan, in 1986,
26
 and vice-governor of Henan in
1988. Through the intercession of PLA elder Yang Shangkun, Liu then joined the
military in 1992 at age 41 to become a major general and political commissar of the
People’s Armed Police (PAP) Hydroelectric Power Headquarters.
27
 He later became the
PAP deputy political commissar in 1997, and was promoted to PAP lieutenant general in
2000.
28
 In 2003, he was transferred to the General Logistics Department (GLD), where he
served as the deputy political commissar with the rank of PLA lieutenant general.
29
 Liu
was selected as political commissar of the Academy of Military Science (AMS) in
2005.
30
 He was promoted to full general in 2009, and then was transferred from AMS to Mulvenon & Ragland, China Leadership Monitor, no. 36
  3
become the political commissar of the GLD in 201031
—this transfer is noteworthy
because since 1975, all political commissars at AMS have retired after completing the
position.
32
 
 
Liu Yuan’s Writings: Neo-Maoist?
General Liu Yuan has a reputation for being a strategic and sometimes controversial
thinker on both domestic and foreign policy.
33
 His 17-page preface for Zhang Mushing’s
collection of essays on New Democracy, Changing Our View of Culture and History,
includes two controversial suggestions: adopt Mao’s “New Democracy,”
34
 and end the
Deng-era principle of “No Debate.”
35
 Concerning “New Democracy,” Liu asks, “Why
don’t we just have confidence and just use our native born ‘New Democracy,’ which
Chinese Communist Party member Mao Zedong raised and Liu Shaoqi put into
practice?”
36
 Transcripts from the Beijing book launch forum in May 2011 revealed
support from several Chinese military officers, including hardliners such as Major
General Luo Yuan (AMS deputy secretary-general), a frequent commentator in the
Chinese media on military and strategic issues, and Major General Zhu Chenghu
(National Defense University), who in 2005 threatened the United States with nuclear
attack in the event of a conventional attack by the United States against China.
37
 Also in
attendance were party elder Hu Guangzheng, Qiao Liang (the co-author of the sensational
book Unrestricted Warfare), and Major General Liu Weiwei (AMS deputy secretary-
general).
38
 
 
  But what do Liu and his cohort mean by “New Democracy” and ending the principle
of “No Debate”? These are clearly coded discussions, using historical phrases and
concepts to advance new ideas during the leadership transition, but the participants have
intimate familiarity with these texts and can make subtle allusions that are largely opaque
to outsiders. The main theme of Mao’s 1940 essay “On New Democracy” is that Chinese
must pursue a third political development path, rejecting both the liberal
capitalist/parliamentary democratic systems of the West and the authoritarian political
systems of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union.
39
 He notes that the Kuomintang had led
an aborted bourgeois-democratic revolution in 1927, but “the capitalist class, headed by
the big bourgeoisie, kicked the masses aside, seized the fruits of the revolution, formed a
counter-revolutionary alliance with imperialism and the feudal forces, and strained
themselves to the limit in a war of ‘Communist suppression’ for ten years.”
40
 Mao
advocates a “New Democracy” in which a coalition of classes, under the leadership and
guidance of the working class and its communist party, work to create a “new democratic
order” as a stepping stone to socialism and then communism. Mao’s “bloc of four social
classes” is symbolized in China’s national flag, where the large star represents the
Chinese Communist Party and the four smaller stars symbolize the proletarian workers,
peasants, the petty bourgeoisie (small business owners), and the national capitalists.
These social classes clearly have different class interests, but Mao argues that they all
support the “Three People’s Principles” (Nationalism, Democracy, and the People’s
Livelihood) and are opposed to Japanese imperialism and feudalism.
41
 By creating a
“united front and [practicing] long-term co-operation with all those classes, strata,
political parties and groups and individuals that are willing to fight Japan to the end,”
42
 Mulvenon & Ragland, China Leadership Monitor, no. 36
  4
the party can create the conditions for a simultaneous capitalist bourgeois-democratic
revolution and socialist revolution that Mao calls the “New Democracy” stage.
43
 The
characteristics of this phase include participatory democracy and a socialist market
economy, in which the republic “neither confiscate[s] capitalist private property in
general nor forbid[s] the development of such capitalist production.”
44
 But Mao is clear
that this is only an intermediate stage to socialism under the dictatorship of the
proletariat, and ultimately a stateless, classless, moneyless communist society.
 
  But what does this ideological mumbo-jumbo mean for modern China and the
coming CCP leadership under Xi Jinping? One interpretation is that the remarkable
period of economic reform since 1978 has finally provided China with the capitalist,
market economy foundation that was missing in 1949, creating proletarian worker, petty
bourgeois, and national capitalist classes while retaining elements of socialism. As a
result, advocates of “New Democracy” could be arguing that the CCP needs to
implement additional features of this proto–New Democracy stage, including fostering a
more participatory democratic transition to the more advanced stages of socialism and
communism. This bears some similarity to Jiang Zemin’s “Theory of the Three
Represents,” which sought to co-opt the new social classes into the party itself, as well as
Xi Jinping’s concept of “power is conferred by the people” (权为民所赋).
45
 In addition,
Liu Yuan’s rejection of Deng’s principle of “No Debate” suggests that there needs to be
greater freedom of discussion within the party itself rather than the conservative, top-
down democratic centralism of the party under Jiang and Hu. Such a view is entirely
compatible with calls for the implementation of a competitive, multi-candidate voting
system (差额选举) to replace the current non-competitive, single-candidate voting system
(等额选举) at the highest levels of the party.
46
 In short, Liu Yuan’s advocacy of “New
Democracy,” greater intra-party democracy, and rejection of “No Debate” could
represent a limited form of Chinese political reform, though without touching the third
rail of single-party rule of the CCP.
 
Liu Yuan and Xi Jinping
Liu Yuan and heir apparent Xi Jinping clearly share a great deal in common. Both were
born to senior CCP cadres, and are proud members of an elite “princelings” cohort. Yet
both men’s fathers were subjected to purge and mistreatment during the late Mao era, and
both families suffered grievously. Despite these dark memories, both went on to achieve
rapid growth in their official careers, and have been outspoken in their extolling of the
early, “pure” years of the CCP revolution when the CCP cadre were largely free from
corruption and admired by the people. 
 
  Liu and Xi may have even spent time together during their young adulthood. Both
were in Beijing from 1979 until 1982.
47
 Liu Yuan had returned to Beijing in 1975. He
was a student at Capital Normal University (formerly known as Beijing Normal
University) from 1978 until his graduation in the summer of 1982.
48
 Before he left
Beijing for Henan, Liu Yuan and Xi attended what Xi describes as “a good number” of
meetings together.
49
 Also according to Xi, Liu Yuan and he were the only two people Mulvenon & Ragland, China Leadership Monitor, no. 36
  5
who decided to leave Beijing to go down to grassroots units at the time, which was a
move that many people around them did not understand.
50
 
 
  In recent years, Xi Jinping has mentioned Liu on at least three occasions in
anecdotes, first in a 2000 interview with reporter named Yang, then in a speech he gave
at a 2003 alumni event at the Fujian Province Foreign Studies School (福建省外学学校),
and later in an interview that would be quoted in a 2007 Zhejiang Daily newspaper
article.
51
 On the occasions Xi referenced Liu Yuan, he discussed their decisions to leave
Beijing for grassroots cadres in 1982
and said they “happened to hold the same views.”
52
 
On the other end, Liu Yuan has also cited Xi Jinping as an example to follow when
writing.
53
 
 
Conclusion
Despite their complicated personal history, the evidence suggests that Liu Yuan is very
much the archetype of a “Xi Jinping man” in the PLA. Liu has the correct princeling
pedigree, and its corresponding “right to rule.” Like Xi, Liu draws upon a striking pre-
Deng narrative in his language and allusions, freely quoting Mao and extolling the purer,
corruption-free revolutionary heritage of the Chinese Communist Party before the
disasters of the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution. Yet neither man is
trying to turn back the clock, rather, both appear to be seeking new paths of reform that
foster economic growth while preserving the single-party rule of the CCP in a period of
profound social upheaval. 
 
  The implications of the rise of a Liu Yuan for PLA promotions and party-military
relations are less clear. Despite his own lack of professional training and qualifications to
be a top leader in the General Logistics Department, there is no evidence that Liu favors
anything other than continued promotion of professional warfighters. Moreover, there is
no evidence that Liu rejects the “conditional compliance” model of party-military
relations in the post-Tiananmen era, in which the PLA is clearly subordinated to the party
in exchange for relative autonomy in defense affairs. At the same time, Liu’s rejection of
the principle of “No Debate” could extend to greater tolerance of PLA inputs to grand
strategy and foreign policy decisionmaking, which have been constricted under the
current regime. Indeed, his own writings on foreign policy have been noted for their
boldness and occasional variance from official policy. If Liu Yuan is indeed the
archetype of a Xi Jinping man in the PLA, then one might expect to see even greater
“assertiveness” on the part of the military, which could make the 18th
 Party Congress
years very interesting for Sino-U.S. relations. As Mao would say, “there is great chaos
under Heaven, and the situation is excellent!”
 
 
                                                
Notes
1
 See http://sjfm.xilu.com/liuyuan/.
2
 http://baike.baidu.com/view/232871.htm
3
 Ibid. Mulvenon & Ragland, China Leadership Monitor, no. 36
  6
                                                                                                                                               
4
 Ibid.
5
 Ibid.
6
 Information accessed at http://cpc.people.com.cn/GB/69112/73583/73598/index.html on 28 October
2011.
7
 Huang Zulin (黄租琳), “He grew up amid the torment of the ‘Cultural Revolution’” (在 “文革” 磨难中长大),
Beijing Huanqiu Renwu Online (北京环球人物网), 16 March 2011, pp. 19–21. Additional information was
obtained from an interview with Deng Xiaoping, accessed at:
http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/dengxp/vol2/text/b1470.html on 9 November 2011.
8
 Huang Zulin, “He grew up amid the torment” (see endnote 7). 
9
 Information regarding Wang Guangmei’s imprisonment was pulled from an essay written by Liu Yuan.
Information accessed at http://wenku.baidu.com/view/6055852f453610661ed9f47c.html on 27 October
2011.
10
 Huang Zulin, “He grew up amid the torment.”
11
 http://baike.baidu.com/view/232871.htm
12
 Ibid.
13
 Liu Yuan, “My father Liu Shaoqi—The two biggest mistakes of his life” (父亲刘少奇一生中最大的错误有两
件), China Digest (中华文摘), accessed at http://military.china.com/history4/62/20110212/16378506.html on
10 October 2011.
14
 Wang Guangmei and Liu Yuan, You Do Not Know Liu Shaoqi (你所不知道的刘少奇), Henan People’s
Publishing House, 2001.
15
 Ibid.
16
 This article may have originally been published on Qiushi journal’s online website. It was republished 8
May 2009, in a collection of faculty-selected articles on theory published by Donghua University.
Information accessed at http://www.docin.com/p-80502117.html,
http://www2.dhu.edu.cn/dhuxxxt/xinwenwang/shownews.asp?id=13686 on 28 October 2011.
17
 Liu Yuan, “Democracy in the Party,” accessed at
http://www2.dhu.edu.cn/dhuxxxt/xinwenwang/shownews.asp?id=13686 on 28 October 2011.
18
 Ibid.
19
 Liu Yuan, “My father’s two mistakes in life” (我父亲生前的两个错误), excerpts from Liu Yuan, You Don’t
Know Liu Shaoqi, accessed at: http://sjfm.xilu.com/2011/0315/news_554_146261.html
20
 Huang Zulin, “He grew up amid the torment.”
21
 http://baike.baidu.com/view/232871.htm
22
 Huang Zulin, “He grew up amid the torment.”
23
 http://baike.baidu.com/view/232871.htm
24
 Huang Zulin, “He grew up amid the torment.” Additional information was obtained from an interview
with Deng Xiaoping, accessed at: http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/dengxp/vol2/text/b1470.html on 9
November 2011.
25
 Lu Yan (路琰), “I Can’t Ruin the Good Name of the Older Generation” (不能把老一辈的名声干砸) Beijing
Huanqiu Renwu Online (北京环球人物网), pp. 24–27.
26
 See http://sjfm.xilu.com/liuyuan/.
27
 http://baike.baidu.com/view/232871.htm
28
 See http://sjfm.xilu.com/liuyuan/.
29
 Zhang Lei (张雷) and Xiao Ying (肖营), “Low-Key Political Commissar Liu” (低调的刘政委), Beijing
Huanqiu Renwu Online (北京环球人物网), pp. 24–27.
30
 Ibid.
31
 Ibid.
32
 With the exception of Liao Hansheng (AMS political commissar from December 1973 to February 1975)
and Ye Jianying (AMS political commissar from November 1957
until October 1972), the collected
biographies of AMS political commissars show that retirement usually follows the completion of this post.
Information accessed at
http://baike.baidu.com/view/125640.htm?fromenter=%D6%D0%B9%FA%BE%FC%CA%C2%BF%C6%
D1%A7%D4%BA, http://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/张工, http://baike.baidu.com/view/98379.htm,
http://baike.baidu.com/view/305141.htm, http://baike.baidu.com/view/308558.htm,
http://baike.baidu.com/view/178269.htm, http://www.gov.cn/gjjg/2009-01/21/content_1211141.htm, Mulvenon & Ragland, China Leadership Monitor, no. 36
  7
                                                                                                                                               
http://baike.baidu.com/view/1827.htm, http://baike.baidu.com/view/1812.htm,
http://junshi.xilu.com/2009/1103/news_1375_353698_1.htm, on 9 November 2011. Additional reference
information was also obtained from Chinese Communist Party Central Committee members from all
previous sessions [中国共产党历届中央委员] 1921–2003, (Chinese Communist Party History Press [中共党史出
版社], 2004), p. 393; p. 401; p. 724; p. 786; pp. 660–662; p. 815; p. 951; pp. 960–961.
33
 Zhang Lei and Xiao Ying, “Low-Key Political Commissar Liu” (see endnote 29).
34
 Mao conceptualized “New Democracy,” in his essay “The Doctrine of New Democracy” (新民主主义论),
but he decided to move the nation directly toward socialism instead. Liu Yuan’s father, Liu Shaoqi,
supported “New Democracy,” and attempted to put it into action before he was deposed. Information
accessed at http://cmp.hku.hk/2011/05/19/12486/ on 27 October 2011. 
35
 Liu Yuan’s preface calls for an end to the era of “No Debate” (不争论), a saying that is attributed to Deng
Xiaoping. Information accessed at http://www.strongwindpress.com/pdfs/HKFax/No HK2010-24.pdf,
http://www.china.com.cn/culture/txt/2008-10/17/content_16624945.htm, on 27 October 2011. 
36
 Information accessed at http://cmp.hku.hk/2011/05/19/12486/ on 27 October 2011.  
37
 Chi Hsiao-hua, “Warning the US Government Not To Interfere With Affairs in Taiwan Strait,” Hong
Kong Sing Tao Jih Pao, 20 July 2005, p. A20. 
38
 This information was pulled from transcripts of the book event. Information last accessed at
http://www.mshw.org/theory/politics/2011-05-08/1348.html, http://www.21newyouth.net/viewnews
10149-page-2.html, http://bjwb.bjd.com.cn/html/2011-05/02/content_396596.htm,
http://www.bookdao.com/article/19755, http://www.sixiang01.com/?action-viewnews-itemid-1335, on 27
October 2011.
39
 Mao Zedong, “On New Democracy,” Selected Works of Mao Tse-Tung, Vol. II, Peking: Foreign
Languages Press, 1975, pp. 339–384.
40
 Mao, “On New Democracy,” p. 356.
41
 Mao, “On New Democracy,” p. 361.
42
 Mao, “On New Democracy,” pp. 357–58.
43
 Classical Marxist theory dictates that the capitalist bourgeois-democratic revolution occurs first, clearing
the way for the proletarian class to emerge as the majority, overthrow capitalism, and begin constructing
socialism.
44
 Mao, “On New Democracy,” p.353.
45
 Xi Jinping introduced the concept in a speech to the Central Party School in September 2010, saying,
“The Marxist view of authority can be summed up in two phrases: power is conferred by the people, and
power is used for the people.” See http://www.21yuhuo.org/english/shownews-1.html.
46
 Zheng Yongnian, The Chinese Communist Party as Organizational Emperor: Culture, Reproduction,
and Transformation (China Policy Series), Routledge Press, February 2010, p.196.
47
 Xi Jinping, “My Experience Working in Mountainous Area and Countryside” (我的上山下乡经历),
[Learning Expo] (学习博览), 2010, vol. 12, pp. 16–17.
48
 http://rarb.zjol.com.cn/rarb/html/2007-05/08/content_7541860.htm.
49
 http://rarb.zjol.com.cn/rarb/html/2007-05/08/content_7541860.htm.
50
 Xi Jinping, “My Experience Working in Mountainous Area and Countryside” (我的上山下乡经历),
[Learning Expo] (学习博览), 2010, vol. 12, pp. 16–17.
51
 Xi Jinping has been quoted in several sources telling an anecdote about how Liu Yuan and he chose to
leave Beijing for grassroots cadres in 1982. Although some details and wording remain constant, the
variance between three particular versions suggests that reporters are not all quoting the same original
source and that he has told this anecdote more than once. The earliest version appears in a 2000 interview
with Xi Jinping, available at http://www.cqjgdj.gov.cn/n54194c339p3.aspx. The second variation appears
in a speech given by Xi Jinping at a 2003 alumni event at the Fujian Province Foreign Studies School (福建
省外学学校), and published in a collection of essays, “Fujian Province Literary Mastery” (福建博士风采). This
speech was reprinted as “My Experience Working in Mountainous Area and Countryside” (我的上山下乡经历
), [Learning Expo] (学习博览), 2010, vol. 12, pp. 16–17. The third variant of the anecdote appears in an
article published in Zhejiang Daily News (浙江日报报) on 8 May 2007: “Xi Jinping: Shanghai Municipal
Committee’s ‘good hand’ that undertook 7 years of peasant [life]” (习近平:当过七年农民的新任上海市委”一把
手”). Many sources probably quote one of these three variations; for
an example see Wu Zhifei’s (吴志菲) Mulvenon & Ragland, China Leadership Monitor, no. 36
  8
                                                                                                                                               
article, “Xi Jinping: From Loess tall hillsides to the Shanghai beach” (习近平:从黄土高坡到上海滩), in Sweep
of Party History (党史纵横), Liaoning: CCP Liaoning Party Committee Research Office, 2007, vol. 5, p. 19.
52
 Ibid.
53
 Wen Shifang (文世芳) and Wang Wenqing (汪文庆), “Liu Shaoqi’s View on Learning—An Interview with
Liu Yuan, political commissar of the Academy of Military Sciences” (刘少奇的学习观——访军事科学院政委刘
源上将), Decision & Information (决策与信息), November 2010.  


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120126 太子党刘源军中高调反腐 专家解读

【 阿波罗新闻网2012-01-26讯】 

中国新年前夕,中共总后勤部政委刘源在讲话中表示,“宁可丢官,也要与腐败进行你死我活的斗争。”在中共当局“越反腐,越腐败”的当今,刘源的这 番讲话,包含了什么意图呢?我们来听专家的分析。

刘源是中共前国家主席刘少奇的儿子。《悉尼晨峰报》报导,中国新年前夕,他对600名军官讲话时声称,“腐败”事关中共和军队的生死。

报导说,刘源警告,“腐败”在军队中已经根深蒂固,广为蔓延,已经威胁到了军队和中共的生存。

一名知情人士转述刘源的话说:“无论一个人的职位有多高,或后台有多硬,我都不会善罢甘休。”

离中共十八大的召开不到10个月,而中共各派的权力斗争也陷入白热化状态。

中国问题专家文昭:“他誓言反腐败,那有一种可能性,他目标具体有所指的,他既然说出这个话,他可能是想去动一些人,或者下一步要采取什么行动, 我预计是有这种可能,这种可能性比较大。”

刘源是中共军队总后勤部的政委。这个单位涉及土地、住房、食品、财务和服务相关的事务,外界认为,这是个油水极其丰厚的机构。

刘源警告中共军官,在军队总后勤部,腐败“非常严重、随处可见、触手可及”。

刘源的父亲是前中共国家主席刘少奇,他和现任国家副主席习近平同属于“太子党”,习近平的父亲是中共前国家副总理习仲勋,而习近平被外界认为是中 共下届领导人。

《悉尼晨峰报》报导认为,刘源紧盯着中央军委副主席职位,希望在习近平执政时能得到它。

《中国事务》主编伍凡提醒刘源和习近平,他们的父亲都是被中共迫害、整死的,按照常理,他们两个应该都痛恨中共制度。

《中国事务》主编伍凡:“为了一个十八大的位置,那这个量太小了,他应该走大一点,习近平也应该走大一点,都是吃过苦的人。知道共产党这个制度是 非常不合理的。这样才是一个有眼光的人。如果他们不能这样的话,那实在是太可惜了。”

香港《动向》杂志主编张伟国认为,刘源表态反腐败,对中国老百姓具有欺骗性。他分析,这些中共内部的所谓“清廉官员”,维护的还是中共独裁体制, 这个体制不变,贪官依然不倒。而且,在这种体制下,他们也很有可能加入贪官的行列。

香港《动向》杂志主编张伟国:“实际上,不管是习近平还是刘源,谁也救不了共产党,共产党已经烂到根了,不管习近平说(什么),为他们自己的政治 目标。这个政治目标既包括巩固自己的权力,也包括打击自己的政治对手。”

张伟国指出,即使刘源反腐败的讲话是出自于个人想法,但把它放在中共集权体制下,也只是其中一个为巩固、加强一党专制服务的螺丝钉。

外界注意到,中共军队最近的一次所谓反腐是在2005年,当时清理了海军副司令王守业。

阿波罗网责任编辑:刘诗雨         来源:新唐人


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111102 太子党刘源:站稳义和团立场 走定八国联军道路

——大陆求统一,台湾拼民主?
 【 阿波罗新闻网2011-11-02讯】 
 
阿波罗网附背景资讯:

中共问题专家程晓农:张木生这个人是《中国税务》杂志的社长或者是主编,他本人是个干部子弟,在过去这些年来,他和刘少奇的小儿子刘源有非常密切 的来往,可以讲是刘源的半个智囊。刘源本人现在是总后勤部政委。我们可以预期在第五代领导人上台以后,刘源也许会成为军队系统的一个重要的高级将 领。所以张木生讲的这些话在某种意义上讲,应该说是代表着和刘源比较接近的这一批未来的所谓接班人的这些智囊们的看法。

北京一位颇有影响力的学者最近提出了“超越左右”的观点,并批评了台湾的民主。中共思想界知名人物张木生说,台湾如果能叫民主,“文革”叫大民主 就当之无愧。张木生的观点引起了辩论。

*张木生现象*

张木生63岁,前中国税务杂志社长,是中共思想界知名人物。他最近提出在思想意识形态上,“要超越左右”。有记者问他:超越左右在当下中国有多大 的实施性?张木生没有直接回答问题,而是提到了台湾的民主。

*张木生批判台湾民主*

张木生刚刚出版了其书:改造我们的文化历史观。南方人物周刊上星期发表对张木生的专访,张木生说:“现在左到“乌有之乡”,右到《炎黄春秋》都能 存在。有人做过研究,178个发展中国家和地区没有一个搞普世价值成功了的。吴思(炎黄春秋主编)说台湾还是成功的。我说,台湾如果能叫民主,那 “文革”叫大民主就当之无愧了。陈水扁贪污17个亿,连手纸都可以进国务机要费,那个东西叫民主?”

*张木生出书,刘源作序*

张木生是文革前老三届学生,曾到内蒙插队,1973年到内蒙古大学上学。他父亲李应吉曾给董必武和周恩来当过秘书,后任对外经贸委副主任,文革期 间“自杀”。张木生这次出书,是解放军总后勤部政委、文革中被迫害至死的国家主席刘少奇之子刘源上将作序。张木生在太子党和高干子弟中人脉广泛。

张木生的理论,南方周刊说,现在“广受注视”。他的理论他自己总结为三条:“第一,超越左右,逢右必左,逢左必右;第二,不争论的时代已经过去 了,现在是该把许多问题说清楚的时候了。第三,我们现在的需求和80年代一样了。”

*吴思:讨论围绕张木生之书而起*

《炎黄春秋》主编吴思也是中国思想界一位引人关注的人士。他最近对新加坡《联合早报》说,“最近几个月里,(中国)思想界的讨论都是围绕(张木 生)这本书而起的。”

《联合早报》援引张木生的话说:“中国现在最大的危险是极左和极右合流:极左的,虽然在整个舆论界我想只占1%的话语权,但是他们直接和最弱势群 体的活动相结合,最后也是要在广场实现他们的主张。”

*张木生:广场民主最危险*

张木生说:“人什么时候智商最低?就是集中在广场上之后。谁的口号最极端,就最能煽动老百姓的情绪。这个东西最危险。”

在89六四五周年之际,因煽动颠覆国家政权罪被判刑的诺贝尔和平奖得主刘晓波曾对美国之音说,一夜之间在广场聚集起来的成千上万人,远远望去,有 一种“壮观美”。很多人就被这种“美”而冲昏头脑。

*张木生:再举新民主主义大旗*

南方人物周刊对张木生的专访题目是:再举新民主主义大旗。他说,新民主主义是 “土生土长”的,是“我们自家的,是老祖宗发明的”。要逐步增加内容解决问题,发展的新民主主义与中国不断出现的新问题与时俱进。

*张木生:独立参选人现象,现在不可存在*

在回答中国一些地区出现了独立参选人现象问题时,张木生说:“以后可以过渡到那一步,但现在不可以。如果共产党领导,工农联盟为基础,允许市场经 济发展,允许资本主义再发展几十年,那必然要涉及到独立候选人资格和审查问题,到那时候,爱国主义总不能破吧,一条就够了。小平同志形象地说 过,2049年之后中国也可以搞竞选。”2049年是中共建政1百周年。

*司马南:台湾民主的陷阱*

另外一位在乌有之乡开网站的思想理论舆论界活跃人士司马南也在其著作(民主胡同40条)中说,“看看吧,台湾实行西式民主后,一人一票选上去的政 治人物的操守不够,陈水扁急着贪腐理政无能,效率一塌糊涂,民主成了陷阱。台湾在陷阱里泡了8年,好不容易才试图跟着小马哥爬上岸来。”

但是,司马南没有提到,正是台湾的民主制,帮助台湾人民从“陷阱”里“爬”上了岸。司马南显然有意无意地忽略或避谈这种陷阱和爬上岸的关系。

*六维:台湾民主纠正贪腐政治*

针对这类批判台湾民主的言论,有网人“六维”在共识网(10/29)发表文章反驳张木生的观点。文章说,“正因为台湾有了一人一票的民主选举才能 自动地纠正了陈水扁的贪污政治,否则蒋经国杀了那么多人,怎么他的国民党后辈还能重新在台湾上台执政呢?”

文章说,这就是台湾民主的力量所在,它能起到纠偏的作用。

文章还说,反过来说,张木生所说的大陆的所谓大民主的文革不过是毛的活教主主宰下的平民宗教狂热,根本和一人一票的普世民主有着天壤之别。

六维的文章还说,试问,当时包括张木生的打天下的父母辈和他本人在内那时有投票选择权么?张木生把不同逻辑的事物放在一起比较说明他不是脑袋进水 就是有意制造逻辑混乱。何况他说蒋经国杀人最多整人最多也是故意误导和有意掩盖历史事实。

*六维:蒋介石蒋经国VS毛泽东,小巫见大巫*

文章说,和毛泽东比较起来,恐怕无论是蒋介石还是蒋经国所杀的和所整的人都是小巫见大巫了,可能连毛的百分之一都不到。“稍微了解历史的人都知道 解放后大陆镇反、肃反、反右、文革杀的人起码五、六百万之多。三年大饥荒挨饿,饿死的人不计其数,这也是不争的事实。”

*顾晓军:‘四个坚持’造成今天人权灾难*

南京作家顾晓军也在一五一十部落网站(10/31)发表文章说,张木生自己,也是毛时代的牺牲品。“如果没有毛泽东开创的社会主义、没有邓小平的 “四个坚持”,会有今天的强拆、劫访、被精神病、被黑监狱、被失踪吗?”

顾晓军说,记者认为 “张木生成为今年思想界一个奇特现象,”其实,“我认为不奇也不特,张木生不过是个救党派。而这,也很符合“退下来”和“太子党”这双重身份。”

顾晓军说,张木生认为,他的这新民主主义论是当今社会所能取得的“最大公约数”,左中右都能认同。顾晓军认为,张木生也和“党一样,喜欢代表”。 “谁告诉他左中右都能认同那?毛左会认同吗?毛左

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